Hardly a day passes when people do not accuse national lawmakers of being corrupt and engaging in unethical behavior. Many citizens believe that a good deal of waste in government results from the misconduct of Congresspeople who regularly abuse their powers. Since no clearly defined code of Congressional ethics exists, however, there is little agreement over the issue of whether members of Congress are truly corrupt. For example, Mark Green, representing the interest group Public Citizen, argues that most senators and representatives do not try hard enough to avoid conflicts of interest between their governmental responsibilities and private affairs. Edmund Beard and Stephen Horn, on the other hand, assert that many instances of so-called corruption in Congress are often not what they seem to be. In order to determine which view contains the most truth, it is necessary to analyze how varying degrees of interest conflicts, ethics laws, and popular misperceptions influence Congressional behavior.
All members of Congress have financial conflicts of interest; the problem lies in determining which of these conflicts truly violate the public trust. Beard and Horn point out that "outside the boundaries of bribery and overt self-dealing, there is very little consensus ... about what constitutes a legitimate or an illegitimate business or political transaction." Asserting that it would be ridiculous to deny legislators the right to financial security, they quote a Congressman who says, "'I have to maintain outside interests. What if I'm defeated tomorrow? What do I do?'" On the other hand, Green believes that many Congressmen who hold stock in large businesses profit illegally from their power over government contracts. Arriving at the questionable conclusion that holding "sensitive shares of stock" is a sure sign of corruption, Green provides little evidence to show that Congresspeople manipulate tax laws for personal benefit. Although Beard and Horn concede that some members of Congress do occasionally favor bills benefiting their own interests, they also caution against analyzing voting trends from incomplete data.
With regard to another breach of ethics, legislators' use of campaign funds for personal purposes, clear definitions are also a major difficulty. Green argues that a repeated pattern of abuse exists among vacationing Congresspeople who turn pleasure trips into "campaign expenses" by meeting briefly with handfuls of supporters. He cites several specific cases before 1979 as evidence but minimizes the impact of a law the same year restricting the misuse of campaign funds. Even though one must concede that law enforcement in this area of abuse can certainly be improved, another obstacle stands in the way of large-scale investigations. According to Beard and Horn, though all members of Congress view the misuse of campaign funds as serious violations of existing law, they do not always agree where the line should be drawn between personal and political activities because "campaign funds and personal finances may complement each other."
Members of Congress may also be corrupted by private corporations offering favors. Besides enhancing a legislator's prestige, Congressional office entails many fringe benefits, such as the opportunity for unlimited travel and free lodging, courtesy of businesses trying to win influence. However, Beard and Horn's interviews with members of the House reveal that few actually feel obligated to return such favors. In fact, one legislator who once received a free flight to India feels that the "junketing" label is unfair. Yet Green argues that members of Congress can be corrupted by private businesses if they are guaranteed a future reward, such as an important corporate post, upon their departure from politics. However, most Congressional incumbents, who have upwards of an 80% success rate for reelection, have little reason to worry about losing their jobs. Most Congresspeople feel that as long as they are not corrupted by the privileges that come with their positions, they are not violating any existing code of ethics.
While Mark Green seems eager to pounce on the evils of lawmakers, Edmund Beard and Stephen Horn, who recognize that real Congressional practices cannot hope to fulfill idealistic public expectations, present a more convincing view of the controversy surrounding ethics. Although Green charges that Congress should bear the blame for the lack of specific ethics standards, Beard and Horn point out that "any congressional behavior ... not designed to advance the common interests of constituents and country might be termed conflict of interest" and thus be unethical. The more flagrant cases of corruption cited by Green are testimony to the views of some Congressmen, but it does not follow that these cases are routine. Although he believes that "with few barriers against it, potential conflict of interest becomes commonplace," the key word is potential. The watchful eyes of the media, coupled with Congress's own ethics committees, deter corruption by preventing most cases of outright bribery from taking place. Acknowledging the imperfections of a few individual members does not automatically make Congress unethical or corrupt. Ironically, Green makes the most eloquent statement reinforcing this view: "Most members of Congress," he admits, "aren't crooks."
